Tetiana Hryshchenko

Biography

Tetiana Hryshchenko became a Member of the Verkhovna Rada of the IX convocation, elected from the “Servant of the People” party for electoral district #66 (Malyn city, as well as the Brusyliv, Korostyshiv, Malyn, Narodychi, Radomyshl, Khoroshiv, and Cherniakhiv districts of the Zhytomyr region) as a non-partisan candidate. She joined the corresponding faction and was elected a member of the Committee on Agrarian and Land Policy. She does not have a higher education degree.

When anti-corruption agencies suspected Yuliya Tymoshenko of attempting to bribe People’s Deputies, she was prohibited from communicating with 65 parliamentarians; Tetiana Hryshchenko’s name was on that list.

During the 2019 presidential election, she was a member of the District Election Commission (DEC) nominated by Yuriy Boiko, a deputy of the IX convocation from the “Platform for Life and Peace” deputy group. During the second round, she served as the chair of DEC #66 nominated by Volodymyr Zelenskyy.

Previously, in local elections, she served as secretary of the territorial commission nominated by the “Opposition Bloc” party. In the extraordinary parliamentary elections, she was a member of the District Election Commission nominated by the “Party of Regions.” In parliamentary elections, she served as secretary of the District Election Commission nominated by the “Green Planet” party. She was also a member of a District Election Commission nominated by candidate Vasyl Protyvsikh, who performed a technical function.

In parliament, as reported by Ukrayinska Pravda, the deputy joined the informal “Pavliuk group”—a businessman whom the media describes as a friend of Volodymyr Zelenskyy and the “king of smuggling” of the western customs office. Notably, Pavliuk was close to communist Ihor Kaletnik, who headed the State Customs Service during the era of Viktor Yanukovych. In parliament, the “Pavliuk group” votes for laws beneficial to Rinat Akhmetov’s business interests.

In her district, residents have repeatedly drawn attention to the fact that at the Nehrebivka quarry, where attempts are being made to extract the cheap mineral dolomite, the water horizon could be polluted, potentially leaving communities without drinking water. However, the People’s Deputy has not adequately responded to the appeals of voters and journalists.

Timeline of Key Events

2026

She voted in the first reading for the scandalous draft of the Civil Code (#15150), submitted by the Chairman of the Verkhovna Rada, Ruslan Stefanchuk. The project, which is 803 pages long and which even the Ministry of Justice did not have time to review within three weeks of its registration, was brought to parliament in “turbo mode.” The legislative initiative contained provisions allowing for the plunder of state and communal property—forests, coastlines, and subsoil. In addition, the project poses risks to freedom of speech. After the Verkhovna Rada vote, street protests took place in a number of regions. In particular, protesters were outraged by proposals from lawmakers that infringed on the rights of women and the LGBT community. A petition addressed to President Volodymyr Zelenskyy demanding a veto on the bill gathered over 25,000 votes on the very first day of its registration. Judges of the Supreme Court also had fundamental objections to the project. The draft Civil Code, which did not undergo proper discussion, essentially destroyed the judicial practice that the third branch of government had developed since the adoption of the current Civil Code—over 20 years ago.

2025

She voted for the liquidation of the independence of anti-corruption bodies—the National Anti-Corruption Bureau of Ukraine and the Specialized Anti-Corruption Prosecutor’s Office (project #12414). After the law was passed, a protest began near Bankova Street, but Volodymyr Zelenskyy signed the law the same day. Subsequently, the President submitted a project that restored the independence of the anti-corruption bodies. By the end of July, as a result of public pressure and pressure from international partners, the parliamentary majority voted for project #13533, which returned powers to the anti-corruption bodies.

She supported the project regarding a special procedure for the compulsory alienation of land in the Uzhhorod district of the Zakarpattia region (#9549). The initiative contained a number of scandalous provisions that create risks for both deforestation and the development of a corruption scheme for the purchase of real estate from “necessary” people at the expense of the budget at prices 3–3.6 times higher than the market rate. The specified norms violated a number of provisions of the Constitution, so the President exercised his veto. Despite this, the deputies ignored most of the remarks during the revision. Among other things, during the revision for the second reading, norms were added to the law that legalize until the beginning of 2028 a corruption scheme of local self-government bodies to develop detailed plans contrary to the provisions of the master plans of settlements.

In the same year, she voted for the so-called “Ihor Mazepa Law” (project #12089). This is a legislative initiative that essentially reflected the demands of unscrupulous business. The law provides for the “resetting” of claims against those who grabbed forest and coastal strips if 10 years have passed since the grab occurred and they fell into private hands. This means that all such grabs that occurred over the last decade can be legalized. If the 10-year term for the grab has not yet passed, then before filing a lawsuit to save the property, the value of the property desired to be returned must be placed on deposit from the state or local budget. Despite the fact that a petition demanding a veto on the law gathered over 25,000 signatures, President Volodymyr Zelenskyy signed the document. The first victim of the “Ihor Mazepa Law” was the case concerning Protasiv Yar, which was defended by the late scout and Kyiv resident Roman Ratushnyi.

2024

The deputy became one of 212 MPs who voted for bill #10242 on pressure on journalists and their sources. This bill created serious risks for freedom of speech, the activities of journalists, and the protection of their sources and whistleblowers. Under the guise of combating “data abuse,” it was proposed to amend the Criminal Code, providing for increased penalties for disclosing information from state registers during martial law—up to 8 years in prison, with no exceptions for journalists or whistleblowers.

She voted for bill #8371, which provided for a ban on the activities in Ukraine of religious organizations that have a governing centre in a state carrying out armed aggression against Ukraine.

2023

She supported project #7457 “On the Legalization of Medical Cannabis,” which allowed the production of medical cannabis in Ukraine for the rehabilitation of wounded military personnel, including for the treatment of PTSD. The adoption of the law was advocated by the “Patients of Ukraine” civic organization.

In the same year, she voted for bill #9296-d on strengthening the financial monitoring of PEPs (politically exposed persons). A key change provided for by the bill was the introduction of a lifelong PEP status for top officials instead of the current three-year limit after leaving office. Furthermore, the document strengthened the liability of primary financial monitoring entities (such as banks) for unjustified refusal to provide financial services.

She did not vote for the immediate opening of electronic declarations during martial law.

She signed an appeal to the Chairman of the Verkhovna Rada, Ruslan Stefanchuk, with a demand to include in the agenda of the next session a draft resolution on stripping parliamentary mandates from People’s Deputies and local council deputies elected from banned pro-Russian parties, in particular “OPZZH.”

2022

She supported the law #2693-d “On Media,” which provided for the relaxation of restrictions on Russian content and performers, the introduction of regulation for online media, the activities of bloggers, and various web platforms. The document also provided for the expansion of the powers of the regulator—the National Council of Television and Radio Broadcasting. The adoption of this was one of the conditions for starting negotiations on Ukraine’s accession to the EU. At the same time, journalistic, media, and civic organizations, media outlets, and social media users appealed to the authorities regarding this bill. The appeal stated that the law violated the right to freedom of expression guaranteed by the Constitution of Ukraine and the Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms.

She voted for the urban planning “reform” #5655, authored by the head of the “Servant of the People” party, Olena Shuliak. The civic sector and media criticized this legislative initiative; the Royal Institute Chatham House (UK) emphasized that with such rules of the game, there are every chance for the emergence of construction cartels. The European Parliament warned President Zelenskyy against signing this law, and the European Commission also provided its critical remarks.

2020

In the context of the COVID-19 epidemic, she registered a draft resolution of the Verkhovna Rada #4234 on postponing the second round of local elections due to danger to the public’s life. Five days later, Dmytro Razumkov announced that Hryshchenko had withdrawn her resolution. In the opinion of the then-speaker, “some resolutions may not always correspond to common sense, and therefore they should first be considered by the Committee, and only then by the Rada.”

She did not vote for resolution #4104, by which parliament approved its representatives to the competition commission for selecting the leadership of the Specialized Anti-Corruption Prosecutor’s Office. The composition of this commission drew large-scale criticism from civil society, the EU delegation, and G7 countries, as it included individuals whose independence and integrity were in doubt.

She voted for the “anti-Kolomoiskyi law” (project #2571-d), which provided for the prohibition of returning insolvent banks removed from the market to their former owners.

2019

She voted for bill #1031 on restoring punishment for illicit enrichment and establishing civil confiscation of unjustified assets.

She was elected a Member of the Verkhovna Rada of the IX convocation from the “Servant of the People” party (district #66, Zhytomyr region) as a non-partisan candidate. She became a member of the corresponding faction and the Committee on Agrarian and Land Policy.

2015

During the local elections, she served as secretary of the territorial commission nominated by the “Opposition Bloc” party.

2014

During the extraordinary parliamentary elections, she was a member of the District Election Commission nominated by the “Party of Regions.”

2012

During the parliamentary elections, she served as secretary of the District Election Commission nominated by the “Green Planet” party.

2010

During the presidential election, she was a member of a District Election Commission nominated by candidate Vasyl Protyvsikh.

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