Serhiy Vlasenko

Biography

Serhiy Vlasenko is a Member of the Verkhovna Rada of the 6th to 9th convocations. He entered the 9th convocation of parliament in 2019 representing the “Batkivshchyna” party (No. 9 on the electoral list). He joined the “Batkivshchyna” faction and the Committee on Legal Policy.

Serhiy Vlasenko is the Deputy Head of the All-Ukrainian Union “Batkivshchyna” party and a member of its leadership. He also holds significant influence within the faction due to his legal expertise and extensive experience in litigation. As a long-standing associate of “Batkivshchyna” party leader Yuliya Tymoshenko (he served as her lawyer during her persecution by Yanukovych), he has effectively traversed all stages of the “growth” of this political force as a politician. This ranges from the widespread sale of franchises in local elections to a zealous (in the interests of the current government) advocacy for the liquidation of the independence of anti-corruption bodies (NABU and SAPO), as well as the promotion in this context of a narrative that echoes that spread by the enemy—that Ukraine is under external governance by the West.

Together with MPs from the “Kolomoiskyi group,” Vlasenko filed an appeal to the Constitutional Court to block the “anti-Kolomoiskyi law.”

Timeline of Key Events

2026

Voted in the first reading for the controversial draft Civil Code (15150), submitted by the Chairman of the Verkhovna Rada, Ruslan Stefanchuk. The draft, which spans 803 pages and which even the Ministry of Justice did not have time to review within three weeks of its registration, was submitted for parliamentary consideration in “turbo mode.” The legislative initiative contained provisions that allow for the plundering of state and communal property—forests, coastlines, and mineral resources. Furthermore, the draft poses risks to freedom of speech. Following the Verkhovna Rada’s vote, street protests took place in a number of regions. In particular, protesters were outraged by lawmakers’ proposals that infringed upon the rights of women and the LGBT community. A petition addressed to President Volodymyr Zelenskyy demanding a veto of the bill gathered over 25,000 signatures on the very first day of its registration. Judges of the Supreme Court also had substantial objections to the project. The draft Civil Code, which did not undergo proper discussion, effectively destroyed the judicial practice that the third branch of government had been developing since the adoption of the current Civil Code—more than 20 years.

2025

Supported a bill that limited the powers of the National Anti-Corruption Bureau and the Specialized Anti-Corruption Prosecutor’s Office and strengthened the powers of the Prosecutor General (#12414). In the opinion of a number of civic organisations, including Transparency International Ukraine, it poses a direct threat to the independence of the NABU—one of the key anti-corruption bodies created with the support of international partners as an institution protected from political influence. The European Commission considers the adoption of this law a serious step backward.

Vlasenko also headed the Verkhovna Rada’s Temporary Investigative Commission on investigating the activities of law enforcement agencies, which was created a month before the attack on the anti-corruption bodies. According to the head of the Specialized Anti-Corruption Prosecutor’s Office, Oleksandr Klymenko, this commission was created from the outset as an instrument of pressure on the anti-corruption bloc.

At the same time, Vlasenko, in his interviews even after the majority voted for the President’s bill—which, under pressure from society and international partners, proposed that MPs return independence to NABU and SAPO—continues to insist on the necessity of subordinating these institutions to the Prosecutor General. Meanwhile, he completely “forgets” about the President’s security forces (SSU, SBI, ESBU, MVS), which are under the full control of Bankova Street and managed by the Deputy Head of the Office of the President, Oleh Tatarov. All this once again confirms that the “Batkivshchyna” faction is in a partnership with the current government and helps it promote draconian initiatives in parliament.

Furthermore, on the day of the vote to return independence to the anti-corruption bodies, Vlasenko was involved in a scandal—he made an obscene gesture in the session hall towards Petro Poroshenko. The politician explained his actions by claiming that Poroshenko had been “jeering” during Tymoshenko’s speech and that the entire parliament had first voted for the liquidation of the independence of anti-corruption bodies and then “turned around.”

In the same year, he voted for the so-called “Ihor Mazepa Law” (Draft 12089). This legislative initiative essentially reflected the demands of unscrupulous businesses. The law provides for the “resetting” of claims regarding forest and coastal strip grabbers if 10 years have passed since they entered private ownership. This means that all such land grabs that occurred over the last decade could be legalised. If the 10-year period for the land grab has not yet passed, then before filing a lawsuit to save the property, a deposit equal to the value of the property one wished to recover must be placed in a court account from the state or local budget. Despite a petition demanding a veto gathering over 25,000 signatures, President Volodymyr Zelenskyy signed the document. The first victim of the “Ihor Mazepa Law” was the case concerning Protasiv Yar, which was defended by the late scout and Kyiv resident Roman Ratushnyi.

Supported a bill on holding journalists and activists who equate clients with their lawyers administratively liable (#12320). Organisations such as DEJURE, “Holka,” the Anti-Corruption Action Centre, and CHESNO Movement opposed this bill, stressing that it bears signs of censorship.

Voted against the controversial bill by Speaker Ruslan Stefanchuk, which abolished the Commercial Code of Ukraine (#6013). This law carries risks for national security.

In the same year, he was elected Chairman of the Temporary Investigative Commission of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine on investigating possible facts of corruption or corruption-related offences in law enforcement agencies, courts, and judicial authorities.

Declared that he would prepare a bill regarding the responsibility of media for participating in fraud. This concerns advertising for “cottage towns,” new residential developments, banks, financial pyramids, and other projects that ultimately turned out to be fraudulent schemes. The politician’s position was prompted by a scandal that arose around the fundraising for the sick Nazariy Husakov, where signs of fraud were detected. Editorial boards of leading media participated in the call to donate funds to Husakov.

2024

Supported the law on banning the activities of religious organisations whose governing centre is located in Russia, including the UOC (#8371).

2023

Voted against the bill “On the Legalisation of Medical Cannabis” (#7457), which allowed for the production of medical cannabis in Ukraine. The adoption of the law was advocated by the “Patients of Ukraine” organisation.

In the same year, he was absent during the vote on decolonising geographical names (#7253).

2022

Was absent during the votes on the urban planning “reform” (#5655), the liquidation of the Kyiv District Administrative Court (#5369), and the ban on pro-Russian parties (#7172-1).

2020

Vacationed at a spa centre in the Lviv region together with Yuliya Tymoshenko during COVID restrictions. At that time, a session was taking place in the Verkhovna Rada.

Signed an appeal to the Constitutional Court to block the “anti-Kolomoiskyi law.”

2019

Elected as a People’s Deputy of Ukraine on the list of the “Batkivshchyna” party (No. 9). Member of the faction of the same name. Joined the Committee on Legal Policy.

In the same year, he declared 133 million UAH received from the American law firm Skadden, Arps, Slate, Meagher & Flom—which prepared a report for the Ministry of Justice of Ukraine in 2012 regarding the Yuliya Tymoshenko case—as compensation within the framework of a pre-trial settlement.

2016

Declared 1.5 million UAH gifted by his mother, the origin of which he chose not to explain.

2014

He was stripped of his status as a People’s Deputy for combining the activities of a People’s Deputy and a lawyer before the Revolution of Dignity. The Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine returned Vlasenko’s status as a People’s Deputy after a ruling by the Higher Administrative Court, which recognised its previous decision as illegal. The lawsuit was filed by Oleksandr Turchynov, who headed the parliament. Vlasenko, who was stripped of his powers during the time of the traitor Viktor Yanukovych, explained this as political pressure.

In the same year, he was appointed as a member of the High Council of Justice.

Elected as a People’s Deputy of Ukraine from the All-Ukrainian Union “Batkivshchyna” (No. 15 on the list), serving as the Head of the Verkhovna Rada Committee on State Building, Regional Policy and Local Self-Government.

2013

After the submission of a falsified committee decision, the Higher Administrative Court stripped Serhiy Vlasenko of his parliamentary mandate, arguing that he was combining deputy activities with legal practice. The decision was condemned by the European Union.

2012

Elected as a People’s Deputy of Ukraine from the “Batkivshchyna” party (No. 20 on the list). Joined the Committee on the Rule of Law and Justice. He was repeatedly doused with brilliant green (zelenka), including during election campaigns, but law enforcement did not react to the politician’s appeals.

2010

Served as Yuliya Tymoshenko’s lawyer during her criminal prosecution by Viktor Yanukovych. During the presidential election, Vlasenko’s former wife, Nataliya Okunska, appealed to candidate Tymoshenko. She accused the politician of humiliating her sons from a previous marriage and of beating her. Vlasenko denied this. Subsequently, the politician won a court case for a house in Kyiv.

2008

Appointed as Deputy Head of the State Tax Administration of Ukraine.

In the same year, elected as a People’s Deputy of Ukraine from the “Yuliya Tymoshenko Bloc” (No. 170 on the list). Joined the “Yuliya Tymoshenko Bloc—Batkivshchyna” faction and the Committee on Justice.

2004

Defended the interests of Viktor Yushchenko in the case of mass election fraud during the second round of Ukraine’s presidential election.

2000

Began working as a senior partner at the law firms “Pryvis,” “Reznikov, Vlasenko and Partners,” and “Magistr and Partners.” Served as the head of the information and analytical department of NJSC “Naftogaz of Ukraine.”

1997

Received his licence to practice law.

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