Oleksandr Danutsa

Biography

Oleksandr Danutsa became a People’s Deputy of the Verkhovna Rada of the IX convocation from the “Servant of the People” party (district #99, parts of the Podilskyi and Fortetsnyi districts of Kropyvnytskyi). During the election campaign, he worked as the head of the “Prime Time” media group, which he had founded himself. The politician was also a member of the executive committee of the Kropyvnytskyi City Council.

Danutsa became a member of the “Servant of the People” party. After the parliamentary elections, he was elected head of the subcommittee on the organization of public security and order of the Verkhovna Rada Committee on Law Enforcement.

The People’s Deputy voted for the abolition of the independence of the anti-corruption bodies NABU and SAPO, for which he was expelled from the community of graduates of the Ukrainian School of Political Studies.

It is worth noting that during the presidential election, Danutsa was the head of the Kirovohrad regional headquarters for candidate Volodymyr Zelenskyy and interacted with Illya Pavliuk, who was one of the curators of the central headquarters. After his election, the MP was associated with the “Pavliuk group,” which voted in the Rada, in particular, in the interests of oligarch Rinat Akhmetov.

Interestingly, before the 2020 local elections, the politician was appointed head of the Kirovohrad regional organization of “Servant of the People,” but a month later he was replaced by another People’s Deputy, Mykyta Poturaiev. This personnel decision was made after his interview with Livyi Bereh, where Danutsa spoke openly for the first time about Pavliuk’s role in Zelenskyy’s headquarters.

The politician took part in a number of election campaigns under various political brands. Danutsa was the deputy head of the Kirovohrad territorial organization of the “Petro Poroshenko Bloc ‘Solidarity’.”

He ran from Nataliia Korolevska’s “Ukraine – Forward!” party in 2012 and was in Serhii Tihipko’s “Strong Ukraine” party. Here it is worth noting that Danutsa was an assistant to People’s Deputy Kostiantyn Yarynich, who at one time actively lobbied for the renaming of Kirovohrad to Yelysavethrad in 2015–2016. However, this did not prevent him from subsequently running from the Petro Poroshenko Bloc.

Before that, he headed the Kropyvnytskyi city election headquarters of the Viktor Yushchenko Bloc “Our Ukraine,” at which time he also ran for mayor of the city. He began his political path by running for deputy to the Kropyvnytskyi City Council from the Ukrainian People’s Movement.

Timeline of Key Events

2026

The High Anti-Corruption Court forbade Yulia Tymoshenko from communicating with 65 People’s Deputies after the leader of the “Batkivshchyna” faction was detained and accused of attempting to bribe People’s Deputies. Danutsa’s name was on this list.

In the same year, he voted in the first reading for the scandalous draft Civil Code (#15150), submitted by the Chairman of the Verkhovna Rada, Ruslan Stefanchuk. The draft, which spans 803 pages and which even the Ministry of Justice did not have time to review within three weeks of its registration, was submitted to parliament in “turbo mode.” The legislative initiative contained provisions allowing the “deriban” (illegal division/seizure) of state and communal property—forests, coastlines, and mineral resources. Moreover, the draft poses risks to freedom of speech. After the Verkhovna Rada vote, street protests took place in a number of regions. In particular, protesters were outraged by the legislators’ proposals that infringed on the rights of women and the LGBT community. A petition addressing President Volodymyr Zelenskyy with a demand to veto the bill gathered over 25,000 signatures on the very first day of registration. Judges of the Supreme Court also had substantial remarks regarding the draft. The draft Civil Code, which did not undergo proper discussion, essentially destroyed the judicial practice that the third branch of government had developed since the adoption of the current Civil Code—over 20 years.

2025

The Ukrainian School of Political Studies expelled six MPs from the community who supported the liquidation of the independence of the anti-corruption bodies—the National Anti-Corruption Bureau of Ukraine and the Specialized Anti-Corruption Prosecutor’s Office (project #12414). Among them was Danutsa. After the law was passed, a protest began near Bankova Street, but Volodymyr Zelenskyy signed the law the same day. Subsequently, the President submitted a project that restored the independence of the anti-corruption bodies. By the end of July, as a result of public pressure and pressure from international partners, the parliamentary majority, on the initiative of the President, voted for project #13533, which returned powers to the anti-corruption bodies.

He supported the project regarding a special procedure for the compulsory alienation of land in the Uzhhorod district of the Zakarpattia region (#9549). The initiative contained a number of scandalous provisions that create risks for both deforestation and the development of a corruption scheme for the purchase of real estate from “necessary” people at the expense of the budget at prices 3–3.6 times higher than the market rate. The specified norms violated a number of provisions of the Constitution, so the President exercised his veto. Despite this, the deputies ignored most of the remarks during the revision. Among other things, during the revision for the second reading, norms were added to the law that legalize until the beginning of 2028 a corruption scheme of local self-government bodies to develop detailed plans contrary to the provisions of the master plans of settlements.

In the same year, he voted for the so-called “Ihor Mazepa Law” (project 12089). This is a legislative initiative that essentially reflected the demands of unscrupulous business. The law provides for the “resetting” of claims against those who grabbed forest and coastal strips if 10 years have passed since the grab occurred and they fell into private hands. This means that all such grabs that occurred over the last decade can be legalized. If the 10-year term for the grab has not yet passed, then before filing a lawsuit to save the property, the value of the property desired to be returned must be placed on deposit from the state or local budget. Despite the fact that a petition demanding a veto on the law gathered over 25,000 signatures, President Volodymyr Zelenskyy signed the document. The first victim of the “Ihor Mazepa Law” was the case concerning Protasiv Yar, which was defended by the late scout and Kyiv resident Roman Ratushnyi.

He supported the scandalous draft by Speaker Ruslan Stefanchuk, which abolished the Commercial Code of Ukraine (#6013). The initiators of this law declared an expansion of economic freedoms, but the Law abolished the fundamental norms of state-business interaction and the principles of managing economic activity in the state and communal sectors of the economy. A number of civic organizations emphasized that this law carries risks for national security and that its adoption would result in a large-scale redistribution of the country, given that the Verkhovna Rada had not approved a list of property exempt from privatization.

2024

The deputy became one of 212 MPs who voted for bill #10242 on pressure on journalists and their sources. This bill created serious risks for freedom of speech, the activities of journalists, and the protection of their sources and whistleblowers. Under the guise of combating “data abuse,” it was proposed to amend the Criminal Code, providing for increased penalties for disclosing information from state registers during martial law—up to 8 years in prison, with no exceptions for journalists or whistleblowers.

He voted for bill #8371, which provided for a ban on the activities in Ukraine of religious organizations that have a governing centre in a state carrying out armed aggression against Ukraine.

The Committee on Law Enforcement approved for the second reading bill #11079-1 on the mobilization of convicted persons, which, according to the “Anti-Corruption Action Centre,” created risks of avoiding punishment by certain figures in corruption cases under the guise of service in the army. In particular, this concerned judges, prosecutors, and officials of the Office of the President. Among the members of the committee who supported the updated version of the bill was Danutsa.

2023

He supported project #7457 “On the Legalization of Medical Cannabis,” which allowed the production of medical cannabis in Ukraine for the rehabilitation of wounded military personnel, including for the treatment of PTSD. The adoption of the law was advocated by the “Patients of Ukraine” civic organization.

In the same year, he did not vote for bill #9296-d on strengthening financial monitoring of PEPs, i.e., politically exposed persons. The key change provided for by the bill was the introduction of a lifelong PEP status for top officials instead of the current three-year restriction after leaving office. In addition, the document increased the liability of subjects of primary financial monitoring (in particular, banks) for unjustified refusal to provide financial services.

He did not vote for the decolonization of geographical names because he removed his card from the slot and left the Verkhovna Rada hall. He also did not vote for the restoration of financial reporting for parties.

He became one of the initiators of bill #9017 on strengthening the liability of military personnel for disobedience to commanders and superiors.

2022

He initiated bill #8306, which proposed developing ectogenesis (growing a child in an artificial environment outside the woman’s body) in Ukraine.

He supported the law #2693-d “On Media,” which provided for the relaxation of restrictions on Russian content and performers, the introduction of regulation for online media, the activities of bloggers, and various web platforms. The document also provided for the expansion of the powers of the regulator—the National Council of Television and Radio Broadcasting. The adoption of this was one of the conditions for starting negotiations on Ukraine’s accession to the EU. At the same time, journalistic, media, and civic organizations, media outlets, and social media users appealed to the authorities regarding this bill. The appeal stated that the law violated the right to freedom of expression guaranteed by the Constitution of Ukraine and the Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms.

He voted for the urban planning “reform” #5655, authored by the head of the “Servant of the People” party, Olena Shuliak. The civic sector and media criticized this legislative initiative; the Royal Institute Chatham House (UK) emphasized that with such rules of the game, there are every chance for the emergence of construction cartels. The European Parliament warned President Zelenskyy against signing this law, and the European Commission also provided its critical remarks.

On the eve of the full-scale invasion of the Russian Federation, he did not support the inclusion of the issue of increasing funding for the Armed Forces of Ukraine on the agenda of the Verkhovna Rada session.

2021

Bihus.Info linked the MP to businessman Illya Pavliuk, a shadow curator of the “Servant of the People.” During the election campaign, the MP actively communicated with the businessman, so journalists classified the MP as part of the “Pavliuk group,” which voted in the Rada in the interests of oligarch Rinat Akhmetov.

2020

He supported resolution #4104, by which parliament approved its representatives to the competition commission for the election of the leadership of the Specialized Anti-Corruption Prosecutor’s Office. The composition of this commission sparked large-scale criticism from civil society, EU delegations, and G7 countries, as it included individuals about whom there were doubts regarding their independence and integrity.

The politician was elected head of the Kirovohrad regional organization of the “Servant of the People” political party, but a month after an interview with Livyi Bereh, where he admitted that Pavliuk was part of Zelenskyy’s headquarters during the election, he was removed from office and replaced by his colleague Mykyta Poturaiev. The party leadership explained at the time that the reason for replacing the leader was “internal.”

He voted for the “anti-Kolomoiskyi law” (project #2571-d), which provided for a ban on returning insolvent banks that had been removed from the market to their former owners.

2019

He voted for bill #1031 on the restoration of punishment for illicit enrichment and the establishment of civil forfeiture for unjustifiably acquired property.

He was elected a deputy of the Verkhovna Rada of the IX convocation from the “Servant of the People” party (district #99, parts of the Podilskyi and Fortetsnyi districts of Kropyvnytskyi). He became a member of the “Servant of the People” party. After the elections, Danutsa was elected head of the subcommittee on the organization of public security and order of the Verkhovna Rada Committee on Law Enforcement. At the time of his election, he was the General Director of “Prime-Time” company.

During the election, he was the head of the Kirovohrad regional headquarters for the candidate for President of Ukraine Volodymyr Zelenskyy.

2015

He ran for the Kropyvnytskyi City Council of the VII convocation from the “Petro Poroshenko Bloc ‘Solidarity'” (district #24). He was the deputy head of the Kirovohrad territorial organization of the “PPB.”

2014-2019

He was a public assistant to People’s Deputy of Ukraine of the VIII convocation Kostiantyn Yarynich (“PPB ‘Solidarity'”).

2012

He ran for the Verkhovna Rada of the VII convocation from Nataliia Korolevska’s “Ukraine – Forward!” party (district #99, Kropyvnytskyi).

2006-2007

He headed the Kropyvnytskyi city election headquarters of the Viktor Yushchenko Bloc “Our Ukraine.” In 2006, he ran for the Kropyvnytskyi City Council of the V convocation on the “Our Ukraine” Bloc list.

2002-2006

He worked as a public assistant to People’s Deputy of Ukraine of the IV convocation Serhii Oleksiuk (“Our Ukraine”).

2002

He ran for the Kropyvnytskyi City Council of the IV convocation from Yurii Kostenko’s party “Ukrainian People’s Movement,” and also for the Verkhovna Rada of the IV convocation from the “Our Ukraine” Bloc in the Holovanivsk single-mandate district (Kirovohrad region).

He was the president of the “Foundation for Support of Independent Press,” founder of the Kropyvnytskyi civic regional organization “Ukrainian Student Union,” and the Kirovohrad regional organization of the “For Ukraine!” party. Prior to this, he was the Chairman of the Board of the “Vse Kirovohrad” media group and worked at “Naftogaz of Ukraine.”

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