Oleksandr Abdullin

Biography

Oleksandr Abdullin was elected as a Member of Parliament of the IX convocation representing the All-Ukrainian Union “Batkivshchyna” (No. 11 on the party list, party member). He joined the parliamentary faction of the same name and was elected Secretary of the Committee on Humanitarian and Information Policy. He also became Deputy Chairman of the “Batkivshchyna” party. He served as an MP in the III convocation as an independent candidate, and in the IV, V, and VI convocations representing the “Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc” (BYuT), and in the VII and VIII convocations representing the “Batkivshchyna” party. He was appointed as an advisor to Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko on a voluntary basis.

Throughout his career, Abdullin has shaped the information landscape in the interests of Yulia Tymoshenko. He famously declared that she would not only be Prime Minister but also the leader of the entire nation. During Tymoshenko’s premiership, media outlets alleged interference in editorial policy, specifically regarding the incident involving the distribution of the “Propalo vsyo” (Everything is lost) video, in which Prime Minister Tymoshenko struggled to read a script due to teleprompter issues. Abdullin joined the ranks of “Batkivshchyna” in 2005 after leaving the political party of Viktor Medvedchuk.

In the early 1990s, Abdullin became Vice President of the “Respublika” corporation, founded by Ihor Bakai (a figure close to former President Leonid Kuchma who served as head of Naftogaz of Ukraine and the State Management Department, among other state structures; after the Orange Revolution, he moved to Russia). In 1994, “Respublika” participated in Turkmen gas deals, earning approximately $500 million while accumulating debts that had to be repaid from the Ukrainian state budget. In 1997, Abdullin’s name appeared in an FBI investigation.

Timeline of Key Events

2026

Voted in favour, at first reading, of the controversial Civil Code draft (No. 15150) submitted by Speaker of Parliament Ruslan Stefanchuk. The draft, spanning 803 pages, was fast-tracked through parliament before even the Ministry of Justice had sufficient time to review it within three weeks of registration. The initiative contained provisions that could facilitate the transfer of state and municipal assets — including forests, coastlines and natural resources — into private hands. It also posed risks to freedom of expression. Following the parliamentary vote, street protests took place across several regions. Demonstrators were particularly angered by provisions viewed as restricting the rights of women and the LGBT community. A petition calling on President Volodymyr Zelenskyy to veto the bill gathered more than 25,000 signatures on its first day. Judges of the Supreme Court also raised substantial concerns. The draft Civil Code, which had not undergone proper public consultation, would effectively have dismantled more than twenty years of judicial practice developed since the adoption of the current Civil Code.

2025

Supported the liquidation of the independence of anti-corruption bodies, namely the NABU and the Specialized Anti-Corruption Prosecutor’s Office (Draft Law No. 12414). After the law was passed, a protest began near Bankova Street, but Volodymyr Zelenskyy signed the law the same day. Subsequently, the President submitted a project that restored the independence of the anti-corruption bodies.

The MP also supported a project regarding a special procedure for the compulsory alienation of land in the Uzhhorod district of the Zakarpattia region (#9549). The initiative contained a number of scandalous provisions creating risks for both deforestation and the development of a corrupt scheme involving the purchase of real estate from select individuals at 3–3.6 times the market price using budget funds. These provisions violated several Constitutional clauses, leading the President to impose a veto. Despite this, MPs ignored most of the objections during the revision process. Additionally, during the revision for the second reading, provisions were added to legalize, until early 2028, a corrupt scheme by local self-government bodies to develop detailed plans in contravention of local master plans.

2024

Voted for bill #8371, which provided for the prohibition of the activities of religious organizations in Ukraine that have a governing center in a state carrying out armed aggression against Ukraine.

2023

Abdullin’s vote was one of the decisive ones in the adoption of bill #10378, “On Amendments to Certain Legislative Acts of Ukraine Regarding the Improvement of Certain Issues of Mobilization, Military Registration, and Military Service.” According to this bill, basic military service was introduced for citizens aged 18 to 25 to replace conscription, with a flexible choice of training period; men aged 18–60 were required to update their registration data at a military commissariat within 60 days of the law taking effect. The lack of provisions regarding demobilization and the rotation of military personnel who had been in combat zones for more than six months was noted.

Voted against bill #7457, “On the Legalization of Medical Cannabis,” which would have allowed the production of medical cannabis in Ukraine for the recovery of wounded military personnel, in particular for the treatment of PTSD. The adoption of the law was advocated by the Patients of Ukraine NGO.

Did not vote for either the state budget or the decolonization of geographical names while his voting card was in the slot.

2020

Voted against resolution #4104, by which Parliament approved its representatives to the competition commission for selecting the leadership of the Specialized Anti-Corruption Prosecutor’s Office. The composition of this commission drew large-scale criticism from civil society, the EU delegation, and G7 countries, as it included individuals whose independence and integrity were in doubt.

Became a co-author of the law #2693-d, “On Media,” which provided for the easing of restrictions on Russian content and performers and the introduction of regulation for online media, bloggers, and various web platforms. The document also expanded the powers of the regulator—the National Council of Television and Radio Broadcasting. The adoption of this law was one of the conditions for starting negotiations on Ukraine’s accession to the EU. Media and public organizations warned that the law violated the right to freedom of expression guaranteed by the Constitution and the Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms.

2019

Re-elected as an MP of the IX convocation representing “Batkivshchyna.” In the same year, during a live broadcast of a Verkhovna Rada session, he called the leader of the “Petro Poroshenko Bloc” faction, Artur Herasymov, an “idiot.”

2018

It became known that the “Batkivshchyna” party had spent 6.4 million UAH on renting several offices in Kyiv. The party rented two premises owned by LLC “MTs Fainans” and LLC “Ekotekhprom.” Abdullin was the founder of both.

2017

The Prosecutor General’s Office initiated an audit of tax payments by MP Abdullin. According to the State Fiscal Service of Ukraine, between 1998 and 2015, he declared and paid taxes on only 2.3 million UAH of income, whereas in 2015 his declaration indicated assets worth about 6 million UAH and corporate rights to LLC “Ekotekhprom” with a contribution to the authorized capital of 23.6 million UAH.

2014 & 2012

Elected as a deputy of the Verkhovna Rada of the VIII convocation (2014) and VII convocation (2012) representing “Batkivshchyna.” In 2012, he was elected a member of the Committee on Freedom of Speech and Information.

2009

Abdullin called the editors of television channels with advice not to broadcast a video featuring Yulia Tymoshenko.

2007

Appointed as an advisor to Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko on a voluntary basis. Became a deputy of the VI convocation and assumed the position of Deputy Head of the “Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc” faction.

2006

Entered the Verkhovna Rada of the V convocation on the list of the “Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc” (No. 74).

2005

Joined the “Batkivshchyna” party, managing agitation and propaganda within the party and BYuT.

2004

By decision of the Kyiv City Council, the politician received a 2.7-hectare land plot for private use in the “Pushcha-Vodytsia” rest house area. In 2005, the Kyiv Prosecutor’s Office initiated a criminal case regarding the mismanagement of forest fund lands there, and the Shevchenkivskyi Court of Kyiv later recognized the decision to alienate the land as illegal.

2002

Elected as a deputy of the Verkhovna Rada of the IV convocation in single-mandate district #156 of the Rivne region. During his time in parliament, he changed four factions: “For a United Ukraine”; Social Democratic Party of Ukraine (united); “European Choice”; and “Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc.”

1999-2000

Co-founded the “Democratic Union” political party with Ihor Bakai and Oleksandr Volkov. In 2000, they were joined by Volodymyr Satsiuk, the future Deputy Chairman of the Security Service of Ukraine, later involved in the case regarding the poisoning of Viktor Yushchenko.

1998

Elected as an MP of the III convocation from the #97 Kyiv electoral district (Boryspil) as an independent candidate.

1995-1998

Served as President of CJSC “Interhaz,” which managed the “gas-for-food” barter scheme associated with Ihor Bakai.

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